For years, the Middle East and North Africa has been viewed as a region beset by political upheaval and military conflict. Yet a decade after the Arab Spring provoked uprisings in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen, and Syria, it appears that the region is ready to adjust course. Wounded by protracted war, tit-for-tat escalation, and the coronavirus pandemic, the region’s states have realised that unrestrained competition and violence are working against their security and stability. Diplomacy and cooperation are back in vogue.

It is for this reason that Manara’s third issue of 2022, “Rapprochement and Realignment in the Middle East,” considers how a diplomatic deluge is reshaping regional politics in real time. Old rivalries between Sunni and Shia and Muslim and Jew, intra-Gulf tensions, and ideological struggles appear to have been set aside in pursuit of shared gains. Israel, once ostracized from its neighbours, is coming to grips with its new regional position. Eran Eztion analyses how Israelis are responding to the signing and expansion of the Abraham Accords, while Dr. Burcu Ozcelik assesses the impact of normalisation between the Jewish state and Turkey. For its part, Turkey, too, has sought to bury the hatchet with its Arab rivals. Sine Ozkarasahin evaluates Ankara’s new foreign policy, and how the turnaround in Turkish relations with Egypt and Saudi Arabia is reorienting regional alignments.

There is much happening within the Gulf as well. The Arab Gulf states’ isolation of Qatar from 2017-2021 has subsided, and, as Giorgio Cafiero observes, their relationship has begun to thaw. Iraq, too, has mediated multiple rounds of dialogue between Saudi Arabia and Iran, although, Kamaran Palani writes, such meetings have been stronger on symbolism than substance, and many challenges remain. Saudi Arabia has much at stake in these negotiations, Ambassador Ali Asseri explains, as Iran is the fulcrum on which many regional challenges depend and has thus far been unwilling to offer real compromise. This suggests that Tehran’s negotiations with the West to revive the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) face headwinds, and, as Ali Ahmadi discusses, even if such talks succeed in lowering tensions between Iran, the United States, and the Arab Gulf states, regional peace is a distant prospect. In fact, successful Gulf-Iranian de-escalation will not automatically resolve the conflicts in Yemen or Syria either, the latter of which, Alexander Langlois notes, is headed toward a prisoner’s dilemma with troubling consequences beyond the Middle East. Whether Europe and the West can meaningfully contribute to regional conflict resolution is unclear, however, Mahmoud Javadi contends that a renewed focus on environmental and human security can help the European Union identify opportunities for mutual security and economic gains.

These are only some of the ongoings that stand to reorder the Middle East after years of turmoil. Indeed, external developments including China’s growing influence and Russia’s war in Ukraine are also affecting regional politics. The United States, too, appears intent on reducing its military footprint and shifting its focus to Europe and Asia after years of war, creating additional impetus for regional jostling. It remains to be seen whether the region’s states will capitalize on this opportunity to forge a new, sustainable balance of power or if old enmities will prevail, but it is our hope that this issue will promote new thinking and discussion on the Middle East’s future.


Adam Lammon
Managing Editor

The Syrian Conflict: Reflections and Prospects

Held on 10 November, 2022


Ola Rifai | Senior research fellow and the Deputy Director for Outreach at the Centre for Syrian Studies.

Mohamad al-Ashmar | Humanitarian professional and consultant in international development and humanitarian crises. International Relations doctoral researcher at the University of St Andrews (UK).

Dr Francesco Belcastro | Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Derby (UK) and a Fellow at the Centre for Syrian Studies, University of St Andrew.

Professor Raymond Hinnebusch | Professor of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. Founder and director of the Centre for Syrian Studies.


“Agency has largely passed from Syrians to external powers.”

The nature and impact of external influence in the Syrian conflict was the most prominent issue discussed by the panel. The speakers concurred that the persistence of international interference by powers such as Russia and the US play a harmful and restrictive role in the region, which ultimately prevents the resolution of the conflict.

Tracking Russia and Iran’s support of the Syrian regime since the 2012 uprisings, Dr Belcastro argued that the Syrian regime is reliant upon these powers to the extent of surrendering its autonomy. In light of recent distractions which threaten Russia and Iran’s support of the regime, namely civil unrest in Iran or Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, the question of the regime’s ability to hold its ground can be brought into question. Belcastro argued that regardless of the extent of engagement, these external powers will continue to play the role of ultimate guarantor for the Syrian regime, as the regime remains too weak to stand on its own.

Professor Hinnebusch discussed the role of US interference and influence on the conflict, highlighting the superpower’s recent shift in approach from primary to secondary sanctions. Painting a bleak picture, Professor Hinnebusch outlined the key consequences of these sanctions as economic collapse and escalation into further humanitarian crisis. At the societal level, he argued that the sanctions are failing to spawn revolt and have instead instilled a sense of hopelessness, with the struggle for daily economic survival debilitating the Syrian people’s political agency.

“Demographic engineering is reconstructing identity and provoking identity clashes.”

A key theme evoked by the speakers was the relevance and centrality of identity within the Syrian conflict. The speakers explored the topic of identity through the perspective of different players within the conflict, from the Syrian diaspora to Syrian people who remain in the region.

Emphasising the delicate historical process of identity construction and reconstruction for the Syrian people, a panellist criticised Turkey’s recent inorganic transplantation of 1 million Syrian refugees into North Syria, a land which was historically ethnically mixed and is surrounded by Salafi militias, as disruptive to the natural process of identity construction. Taking a more positive stance, a panellist explored the role of Syrian identity as a mobilising force. Focusing on the power of the Syrian diaspora in the Syrian relief effort, they emphasised the force of the
Syrian diaspora in constructing hundreds of charitable organisations worldwide in support of those in Syria, and the way in which the common Syrian identity felt by those involved has helped fuel collective mobilisation. However, the panellist resigned to the limitations of this form of resistance, acknowledging that the diaspora is ultimately incapable of significantly impacting the political situation in Syria.

“The importance of sect was over romanticised.”

The panel was critical of the tendency of Western political figures and media to overemphasise the role of sectarianism in the Syrian conflict. Dr Belcastro cited this as an oversimplification of multifaceted political tensions by Western powers. Similarly, a panellist identified this tendency as a manifestation of the wider historical trend of the West imposing orientalist lenses upon Middle Eastern subjects. This depiction of the Syrian conflict in sectarian terms ultimately places identity groups as oppositional forces, ultimately fuelling inter-group conflict.

Dr. Belcastro expanded this thought beyond the immediate context of Syria, suggesting that this sectarian lens is imposed by the West onto the wider Middle Eastern geopolitical landscape, such as the ongoing tensions between Iran and the Gulf nations. The speakers posed the question of how, acting from within this imposed sectarian lens, the Syrian regime will attempt to negotiate reintegration into regional politics in the near future.

“External Interference is unlikely to ever withdraw entirely.”

Ultimately, the panel agreed that moving forward, the prospect of a Syria without any form of external interference is a fantasy. External actors have invested too much into the conflict to completely absolve themselves of all influence. Ultimately, as we have seen with the US’s shift toward secondary sanctions, it is expected that external powers such as the US and Russia will simply recalibrate the way in which they choose to interfere. Neither Russia nor the US are predicted to completely abandon their role within the conflict.

“The Success or failure of the US’s secondary sanctions on Syria have implications on the global order.”

Russia and China are expected to push back against the US’s secondary sanctions imposed upon the Syrian regime, which punishes any company or state who chooses to do business with those that do business with Syria. Moves such as attempting to reduce the use of the dollar in international trade and producing an alternative world banking payment system have been triggered, in part, by these sanctions imposed upon the Syrian regime. This has implications far beyond the Syrian context. This act of defiance suggests a gradual shift toward a multipolar global financial order, which would see the US removed as the global financial hegemon.

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